China is No Longer Manipulating its Currency

November 18, 2016 9:45 AM

US President-elect Donald Trump has vowed to instruct his Secretary of the Treasury to label China a currency manipulator on his first day in office, just as Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney did in 2012. He would then presumably seek to negotiate with the Chinese to reduce their large trade surplus, which equals roughly half the total US trade deficit of about $500 billion, under the threat of limiting imports unilaterally if they failed to cooperate (and risking retaliation against US exports). A declining US trade deficit, if it could be achieved, would increase US economic growth. But China has not manipulated its currency, the renminbi, for the past two years, and even an erroneous designation would not enable the new president to take any retaliatory trade actions.

China was the champion currency manipulator of all time from 2003 through 2014. During this “decade of manipulation,” China bought more than $300 billion annually to resist upward movement of its currency by artificially keeping the exchange rate of the dollar strong and the renminbi’s exchange rate weak. China’s competitive position was thus strengthened by as much as 30 to 40 percent at the peak of the intervention. Currency manipulation explained most of China’s large trade surpluses, which reached a staggering 10 percent of its entire GDP in 2007.

China was not the only manipulator. A number of other Asian economies, including Taiwan and Hong Kong, also intervened regularly to keep from losing their competitive position to China (and thus to the United States as well). A few others, including Japan and Korea, intervened occasionally as well.

Naming a country a manipulator, however, has no significant operational consequences (which is one of the reasons it has not been done in recent years). The relevant US law, dating from 1988, requires only that the Secretary of the Treasury launch a negotiation with the indicted countries in an effort to rectify the situation. Trump and his advisors have suggested they would use a designation to impose new import restrictions against China, up to the level of the renminbi undervaluation that resulted, but they would have to invoke other US statutes to justify such action. (Regardless of manipulation, the administration might authorize the Commerce Department to apply countervailing duties against imports that were subsidized by undervalued exchange rates in China and elsewhere; this would probably run afoul of US obligations in the World Trade Organization, however, and might also be challenged domestically unless Congress explicitly authorized such treatment.)

I was among the first to call attention to the manipulation by the Chinese and others and to advocate strong action to counter it, but it must be recognized that the situation has changed dramatically over the past two years. China has experienced large outflows of private capital that have driven its exchange rate down and indeed sparked market fears of disorderly renminbi devaluations. To their credit, the Chinese have intervened heavily on the opposite side of the market: Instead of buying dollars to keep the renminbi weak, they have sold large amounts of dollars to prevent it from sliding further. Their recent intervention has promoted US competitiveness rather than undermined it. Manipulation (including by other countries) has passed largely into remission.

It would thus be factually incorrect, as well as ineffectual, for the new Trump administration to label China a currency manipulator (and the Chinese might well refuse to negotiate under such circumstances). Indeed, the White House would be running counter to the thrust of the new US currency law (although it could still label a country as a “manipulator,” even if it did not meet the terms of that law). The Trade Facilitation and Trade Enforcement Act of 2015 spells out three criteria for identifying a country for currency misbehavior:

  • a large bilateral trade surplus with the United States, which China has;
  • a material global current account surplus, which the Treasury Department interprets as meaning more than 3 percent of a country’s GDP, a bit more than China is now running; and
  • “persistent one-sided intervention” in the currency markets, to keep its exchange rate from rising, which China is clearly not conducting.

These tests would have caught China for eight consecutive years, from 2003 through 2010, but Treasury currently has placed China only on a “monitoring list” along with five others that meet at least two of the criteria or have met them in the recent past. There is always a possibility that China (and others) could resume the competitive nonappreciation of the earlier period if market pressure again pushed the renminbi upward, especially if China’s economic reforms faltered and its growth rate sank below the new target of 7 percent. So we cannot be confident that the problem has been definitively resolved.

Indeed, it would be desirable for the Trump administration to add a new tool to the US policy arsenal, to ensure the problem will not resurface, by announcing that the United States will counter any future manipulation by others with offsetting intervention of its own. If China buys $1 billion in an effort to keep the dollar artificially strong, the United States could buy $1 billion worth of renminbi to neutralize any impact of the Chinese action on the exchange rate between the two currencies. The Chinese currency and bond markets are now large enough to permit any foreseeable level of US intervention that might be needed. But simply the announcement of a policy of such “countervailing currency intervention” would almost surely deter future manipulation efforts, requiring very little if any actual activity. It should thus prolong the current remission of manipulation indefinitely. The Senate passed a bill authorizing “remedial currency intervention” in 2011, but the policy could be adopted under current law.

Trump’s economic team may decide to address a number of Chinese policies that support its exports and impede its imports, in an effort to reduce the Chinese surplus and the US deficit, as its predecessors have done for many years. There are several US statutes that provide a basis for doing so. Currency manipulation is not one of these, however, especially at the present time. The new administration should look for alternative paths to any immediate action while shoring up the country’s defenses against possible recrudescence of currency aggression in the future.

C. Fred Bergsten is senior fellow and director emeritus of the Peterson Institute for International Economics. He was the founding director of the Institute from 1981 through 2012. He was previously assistant secretary of the Treasury for International Affairs and is coauthor, with Joseph E. Gagnon, of the forthcoming Institute book Currency Conflict and Trade Policy: A New Strategy for the United States.



So China is a "currency manipulator" when their forex intervention keeps the currency weak, but they are not when they intervene to keep the currency up?  Not exactly an objective piece of analysis, I would suggest.  


This kind of misses the point. First off there's not a strong consensus on the difference between basic monetary policy and "manipulation", and second off accusing China of currency manipulation is only relevant when it's seen as an unfair trade advantage. If they artificially inflate their currency, that goes contrary to the Trump claim that they're cheating on trade - a higher Yuan (be it real or "fake") improves the prospect for US exports. So I'd say your criticism that the article "is not exactly objective analysis" is unfounded.

Jamel S

Dear RJW,

It simply means that if China has experienced a depreciation of its currency without any Forex intervention, its currency would became undervalued.

Sometimes Forex interventions are consistent with macroeconomic fundamentals, sometimes not...


Jamel Saadaoui

University of Strasbourg

Jamel S

Dear Fred Bergsten,

Thanks for this post, my own estimates ( tend to show that the Chinese yuan is close to its equilibrium value.

I would be interested to know your view on the sustanability of this situation.

Best wishes,

Jamel Saadaoui

University of Strasbourg

Fred Bergsten

Dear Mr. Saadaoui,

Take a look at Bill Cline’s new Policy Brief for the Institute on fundamental equilibrium exchange rates. 

He concludes that the RMB is not undervalued.  His goal is simply to keep imbalances under 3% of GDP, however, so a more ambitious target for China might still indicate that some modest appreciation is required.


Jamel Saadaoui

Dear Fred,

Thanks for this reply, I will read the Bill's PB with great attention!




Dear Mr. Bergsten,

How does Countervailing Currency Intervention towards China work with World Trade Organization rules?

From what I understand about CCI, the US manipulates it's own currency enough in order to raise the value of the yuan to its' proper value. In order to pay for this, sliding tariffs are placed in order to pay for the amount of foreign currency bought during the process. 

Would the US have to place the same tariffs on all other MFN countries in order for this plan to work?

Do you have an idea of how many jobs would be brought back by use of CCI towards China if this plan was an actual US policy?

Thank you very much for your work,


Fred Bergsten

Dear Rachelle, The WTO rules do not apply to CCI or in fact any currency policies. IMF rules govern currency policies and would only inhibit CCI by the US if we were viewed as pursuing "competitive depreciation" or "manipulation," which is inconceivable since we are the world's largest deficit country with significantly overvalued currency. 

There would be no need for US tariffs (or anything else) to "pay for" the resources used in the intervention. Treasury's Exchange Stabilization Fund would simply use its existing resources (about $100 billion) or borrow. There is no budgetary impact because the purchased yuan would replace the sold dollars in an "exchange of assets." 

The economic impact of CCI would depend on the state of both the US trade balance and the overall US economy at the time of the activity.  



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